The history of homosexuality in Asia did not begin in the modern day, nor in the colonial period. Both Japan and India encompass rich and ancient queer cultures evident in literary, artistic, and religious tradition (1). In Japan, homosexuality evolved from the premodern era to the early twentieth century along three distinct codes. The first of the three codes, represented by the term nanshoku (男色), emerged first in early monasteries and gained concrete expression in the Edo period (2). Ihara Saikaku’s 1687 collection Nanshoku Ōkagami (男色大鏡), or The Great Mirror of Male Love, was one of the first Japanese accounts of non-heteronormative sexualities, although literary references to male homosexuality appear as early as the eleventh century (3). In Murusaki Shikibu’s Genji monogatari (源氏物語), or The Tales of Genji, for instance, the protagonist Genji notably finds a young boy more attractive than his sister (4).

The nanshoku code comprised several concepts, each known by a unique term. Shudō (衆道), for instance, referred specifically to male adolescents (5). There were two primary models of nanshoku: samurai and kagema. The samurai model paralleled ancient Greco-Roman pederastic culture: the nenja, an older man, loved a younger chigo. The kagema model, a form of male prostitution fostered in kabuki theatre and teahouses, was less dependent on age and seniority (6). During this period, Japan was strikingly open toward male homosexuality, surprising visitors from both European and neighbouring East Asian countries who arrived in the country. Neither the European delegations – nor those from Korea or China – had enough power to influence Japanese culture in this regard (7). Japan, at the peak of samurai culture, expressed non-heteronormative male sexuality in various forms. 

While non-heteronormative sexuality in premodern India was less defined by structure and code, it was no less present. Across India’s rich cultural mosaic, art, literature, and religious texts acknowledged diverse gender identities and sexualities (8). Non-cisgender and non-heteronormative identities are extensively reflected in sculpture and mythology. Temples throughout the country, such as the Vishvanath Temple in Khajuraho, host sculptures depicting non-cisgender individuals (9). Multiple Hindu deities often displayed queer desire in male, female, and third-gender forms. The Hindu epic Mahābhāratam (महाभारतम्), commonly known as the Mahabharata, describes multiple non-heteronormative identities, such as the warrior Shikhandi who voluntarily becomes a man with the aid of the yaksha (यक्ष) spirit Sthunakarna (10).

The extensive portrayals of same-sex desire and non-cisgender identity in premodern Indian societies reflects an acknowledgement, and possibly even a generally tolerant attitude, towards queer identities. The relationships between art, identity, and religion are essential in understanding India’s heritage and culture; consequently, the inclusion of non-heteronormative identities in both art and religion implies the visible presence of non-heteronormative individuals and communities. A common example of this is the Hijra community, considered a third-gender community, who are traditionally linked to Lord Shiva, a primary Hindu deity who “embodies both the ascetic and the erotic and has various gender nonconforming forms of existence" (11). Non-heteronormative and non-cisgender individuals in ancient India enjoyed openness, and often at least a partial acceptance, through the Mughal Era. It was only in 1857, with the fall of the Mughal Empire and the consequent rise of the British Raj, that same-sex attraction became an abnormality (12).

Footnotes:

1. N. Takashino, R.J. Davidson, and M. Keeni, ‘Traditional family system, local government recognition and citizens' perceptions of homosexuality in Japan: an exploratory study’, Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, 43:4, (2024), pp. 693-710, at pp.694-695. 
2. Furukawa Makoto and Angus Lockyer, ‘The Changing Nature of Sexuality: The Three Codes Framing Homosexuality in Modern Japan’, U.S.-Japan Women’s Journal English Supplement, 7, (1994), pp.98-127, at pp.99-100. 
3. Ihara Saikaku, The Great Mirror of Male Love, (1687). 
4. Murasaki Shikubu, The Tales of Genji. 
5. Makoto and Lockyer, ‘The Changing Nature of Sexuality’, p.99. 
6. Tsuneo Watanabe and Junʼichi Iwata, The Love of the Samurai: A Thousand Years of Japanese Homosexuality, (1989, London), p.97. 
7. Hiroaki Sato, ‘Forbidden Colors’, World Policy Journal, 35:1, (2018), pp.49-53, at p.52. 
8. Lovepreet Kaur, ‘Exploring LGBTQ+ equality in India: A comprehensive examination from anthropological and legal perspectives’, Sexuality, Gender, and Policy, 7:2, (2024), pp.2-18, at p.9. 
9. Oeshi Ghosh, ‘Through the Lenses of Sexual Minorities in the Indian LGBTQ + Community: Perception of Social Equality and Community Support’, Journal of Bisexuality, (2024), pp.1-34, at p.2.
10. Divyanshi Shukla, ‘A Long Haul to LGBTQ+ Equality in India and Protection of Their Fundamental Rights’, Indian Journal of Law and Legal Research, 4:3, (2022), pp.1-14, at p.7. 
11. Raagini Bora, ‘Desi Genderqueerness: The Mystery and History of Gender Diversity in India’, The Feminist Press, 51:3/4, (2023), pp.172-177, at pp.172.
12. Ghosh, ‘Through the Lenses of Sexual Minorities in the Indian LGBTQ + Community’, p.2. 

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