Name: Lau Ka Yi Athena

Supervisor: Dr Tim Yung

Department of History
Faculty of Arts

The University of Hong Kong

Introduction

The story of Chinese immigration into the United States has often been presented as a gradual triumph in the battle against discrimination. Immigration laws were one of the most obvious examples letting us take a glimpse into the changing attitudes towards Chinese immigration. Starting from the 19^th century, discriminatory immigration and antimiscegenation laws were utilized to control the populations and welfare of the Chinese in the US. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 denied the right of naturalization and immigration for Chinese living in the US. Yet, the laws did not deter the Chinese from flowing in, they continued to come to the US especially San Francisco for the dream of getting rich in ‘golden mountains’ and returning to their home one day^[1]. The Chinese communities mainly lived in Chinatown where they were more accepted, far from the meddling crowd of discriminatory US society. The discriminatory attitude only was reduced with actions when China became a strategic alliance with the Allies in World War II, with the 1943 Magnuson Act repealing the Chinese Exclusion Act. In this new Bill, a token annual quota of 105 Chinese immigrants were granted permission to enter the US regardless of their place of birth. This Act served as a triumph for Chinese Americans to obtain the right of abode and citizenship. In 1945, more Chinese Americans were allowed to come to the US to apply for non-quota immigrant by being permitted partners and children of Americans with Chinese ancestry. Subsequent immigration laws followed, such as the McCarran-Walter Act of 1952 and the 1965 Immigration Act helped increase Chinese immigration to the US.

Throughout this process, the resolution of adoption, segregation, and race was a sort of ‘civilizing mission’. Civilizing Mission, or Mission civilisatrice, is a term that describes colonizers used to legitimize the supremacy of colonial rule and to make the colonized inferior. It symbolizes the ‘burden of the ‘white man’ in which Europeans, or, in this case, white Americans bore the knowledge and conditions for a ‘more advanced’ society. They had to atone for their ‘original sin’ by civilizing the ‘rude and uncultivated savage’[2]. For adoption, white couples wanted to atone for their discrimination and treatment of Black people. for the adoption of biracial and Black children became a way to redeem themselves as well as to ‘civilize’ the children to make them ‘similar and equal’ like themselves.

Pardee Lowe, a second-generation Chinese American grew up in California amidst these times of discrimination and civilizing. Born in 1904 in San Francisco and dying in 1996, he lived his whole life mainly in San Francisco Bay Area as an intellectual and witnessed the changes of attitudes and laws towards Chinese Americans in the US in person. However, the gradual triumph of equal rights with progressive legislation fell short with Chinese Americans, as more focus was given to Eastern Europeans and Latinos, rather than Chinese Americans.

Research Methodology

Existing studies on Chinese Americans show the discrimination and everyday life of Chinese communities in the US. Chinese organizations, newspapers, stores flourished in Chinatowns to form a ‘Chinese community’ in the US, partly isolated Chinese from the discrimination of the US society. Helps from churches and organizations like the YMCA relieved the everyday problems facing Chinese Americans, and it also acted as a bridging force between US government and Chinese communities. Research involving the formation of identities, racial discrimination, Christianity and organizations is abundant under the backdrop of the changing political situations in China that signified the end of an empire and the birth of a republic[3]. However, relatively less research has been done on the years after the conquest of the Chinese Communist Party in China in 1949. Books which include the period after 1949 used it as the way to show the relaxation of immigration policies, and the focus invariably on the early 20^th century that after 1949 was merely the outcome that needed to be mentioned[4]. Seeing the gap in the periods for the studies of Chinese Americans, there were few emerging works started to unravel the influence of Chinese Americans after 1949 by examining how international politics contributed to the shifts in immigration laws towards Chinese Americans. How the US accepted the existence of China’s communist government and sought ways for ‘stranded students’ to gain permanent residence and citizenship in the US during the Cold War in the 1950s[5].

Existing studies on Chinese Americans provide me with the backdrop of the discriminatory situation and policies surrounding Chinese Americans, yet it does not allow me to grasp fully the identity crisis inherent in Chinese Americans and the reasons for a Chinese American intellectual, Pardee Lowe, developed an interest for the adoption of Black babies amidst Civil Rights Movements. Research on Black babies adoptions are included in books about Black and white marriages, reasons including adopting a Black child was seen as a sign of ‘racial benevolence’ to reduce the guilt of white persons, or it was a convenient methods for parents to ‘adopt’ their own babies for white women who had intimacies with Black men[6].

This study uses Pardee Lowe’s autobiography Father and Glorious Descendant and Pardee Lowe Papers at Hoover Institution as my base and primary sources to explore Lowe’s views and experiences of racial relations in the US. While it is not possible to examine the entirety of issues, my study looks into one unresolved issue: white adoption of Black babies in the U.S. from a Chinese American intellectual’s perspective. Based on Lowe’s papers (Pardee Lowe Papers stored at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University), I could see his interest in Chinatowns, education, races and the welfares of Chinese Americans. He collected hundreds of newspaper clippings about the development of Chinatown and races to investigate on the latest changes of the positions of the Chinese Americans and other races. Before reading his autobiography – Father and Glorious Descendant, published in 1943 in Boston[7], I imagined him to be a privileged Chinese American who lived in a bubble without any care of discrimination. I judged Lowe from his cover – graduate from top universities in the US – Bachelor’s degree at Stanford University; Master’s degree at Harvard University, and a PhD at U.C. Berkeley, so I expected him to be a normal ‘American’ without being a ‘Chinese American’, yet his autobiography proved me wrong. As I understood more about his struggles in life as a Chinese American, it appears to have led him to become interested in the topic of race – especially interracial relationships and adoptions as I read his Papers with several articles raising the phenomenon of white couples adopting Black babies in the 1960s-70s. Therefore, my research question is: how and why did a Chinese American intellectual concern himself with the adoption of Black babies and the Civil Rights Movement?

Pardee Lowe’s Early Encounters with Racial Inequality

Lowe’s interest in the adoptions of Black babies can be traced via Pardee Lowe’s autobiography. In the 1910s, as a five year-old, he went to an American public school and was surrounded by students from different nationalities – ‘Austrian, English, American Negro, Japanese, Irish, Italian, Rumanian, Serbians, Portuguese, German, Swedish, French, Russian, Scotch, Mexican’, and finally Lowe himself – Chinese. He was educated in an environment with  15 other students all from different nationalities and backgrounds for the same goal – to become ‘an American’. He did not feel that he was an ‘outsider’. Rather, he felt like an American just like any other person. His teacher Miss McIntyre, daughter of an Irish Immigrant, taught students that they could be the future President of the United States, and Lowe believed this statement until the age of 13 when he decided he should get a job to earn extra money for high school[8].  He suddenly became a ‘Chinese’ in the eyes of the employers. He applied to every job posted on San Francisco Chronicle, a prominent newspaper outlet for citizens of San Francisco Bay Area. He read the same newspaper incessantly in the 60s and 70s, as suggested by newspaper clippings in the Pardee Lowe Papers. He detailed the first job interview he had: how every worker stared at him when he passed by to search for the manager, and how everyone gossiped behind his back. The ominous realization dawned on Lowe for the first time – he was a ‘Chinese’. Everywhere he went, people refused to give him the job with various excuses. His fate seemed sealed – could only work in Chinatown or in Chinese businesses, and his dream was dashed – ‘I didn’t have a “Chinaman’s chance” of becoming the President of the United States’[9].

After finishing high school, Lowe chose an unconventional path – a Bachelor’s Degree at Stanford University. Lowe’s family financial circumstances deterred the family from supporting his decision. Not only did he fail to provide for the family, but he also required financial support. Besides, Lowe did not intend to study the supposed ‘money-making’ subjects – Law or Medicine to become a lawyer or a doctor. Therefore,  going to Stanford was no use (‘M’Joong Yoong’)[10]. It was better for him to either get married or get a job. His family made it clear that they would not support his studies financially, but Lowe was determined and decided to support himself via loans and working during his studies at Stanford[11]. He needed to struggle to pursue what he wanted, and his acts of fostering Chinese orphans in secret had put him in financial difficulties that he had to work longer hours while studying.

The three Chinese orphans Maria, Luis, and Juan, came from and grew up in Nicaragua. Their parents passed away so the only option for them was to be sent back to China with their grandmother. During their transit in San Francisco, the children became very sick and were in no condition to travel, and the kinsmen that had been taking care of them wanted to leave them behind. With their conditions, they had no choice but to leave because they had no rights to reside or stay in the US. Yet, the fate that awaited them in China was predictable – being sold as domestic slaves and into a life of shame. Hearing such tragic story, Lowe decided to step in and sought help from his churches. Eventually a missionary Miss Pauline MacDonald agreed to help[12]. “With Miss MacDonald’s backing, everything is possible! Her word is her bond. The United States Government trusts her[13].” In the end, ‘the Washington authorities wired that they would temporarily parole the sick children only on one condition: Miss MacDonald must unconditionally pledge herself’ and ‘the children would prove to be no financial burden on the City, State, or Federal Government[14].’ Maria stayed with Miss MacDonald, yet the two boys could not find a place to live after approaching a Chinese Boys’ Home. The superintendent of the Home Dr Wentworth said, ‘your Nicaraguan refugees could never be supported by the State of California. Perhaps you can find a generous American or a rich Chinese merchant to help. I can do absolutely nothing for you.’ Lowe experienced that not only were the Chinese not welcome, but the same also applied to Latin Americans. Lowe could not find anyone else to help the remining two, so he decided in secret that he would support the two children financially along with himself during his studies at Stanford. ‘I had become a father, with all the joys and the responsibilities, without half trying’[15].

The experience of Lowe with ‘adoption’ and US policies on refugees and immigration sowed the seeds of his lifelong interests in race and immigration. With all his might, he could not stand against the current of US government: that three children would be eventually deported back to China due to the ‘inhumanity of this country’s immigration laws, or the hit-or-miss policies of certain Chinatown Protestant social-service organizations’[16]. ‘Exactly ten years have passed since they, on a Dollar Liner, left San Francisco.’ Lowe avoided talking about the possible fate of the three ‘waifs’ as the Second World War had ‘engulfed the Far East and the Orphans’ homes, to which these children would have been consigned, or would have been reported destroyed or captured. Nobody knows what has become of Maria, Luis, and Juan’[17].

Public Views on Inter-Racial Adoption in Post-War America

Doomed from the start, Lowe and the children met with a goodbye kiss. He knew that the cases involving persons like his ‘Nicaraguans Three’ were not alone, and all had to do with the immigration laws and racial attitudes. Yet, the Civil Rights Movement in the 50s and 60s urged the US Government to abolish racial segregation and discrimination legally. This made Lowe see the shimmer of hope of racial progress. Interracial adoption became one of the ways to see the betterment of racial segregation. Yet, it faced opposition from different associations and families, especially with white family adoption of Black or biracial children. The Blacks were one of the most vocal communities in voicing out their opposition to interracial adoption. The National Association of Black Social Workers condemned Black children being placed with white families for foster care or adoption[18]. A Black woman, Leslie Uggams, who adopted a biracial child with her white husband Graham Pratt, also expressed similar thoughts with a different twist: a white couple should not just adopt one Black child as he or she would not have someone of her race that he or she could look up to, and mentioned social workers were also hesitant in giving Black or transracial babies to white couples[19]. The same suggestion was made by David C. Anderson, the author of the “Children of Special Value: Interracial Adoption in America,” published in 1971, that white parents should adopt more than one child with different races so that the child had siblings to share his or her experience, and received the feeling of support from their parents about Black and Brown children[20]. Other social workers expressed similar opposition. The founder of the Open Door Society, Margaret Edgar, said she was ‘not an advocate of transracial adoption’ and the ideal way was to place a Black child in a Black family[21].

For Pardee Lowe, at times he felt like an American that could achieve anything in life – even the President of the United States. Yet at times he felt like a Chinese person when he faced racial discrimination during job interviews. “I do not know whether they [Lowe and his family] will be Chinese or Americans. All that I ask of them is that they shall accomplish something with their heaven-sent talents and opportunities, preserve the honor of our family name, and win the approval of their fellow men[22],” said Lowe’s father. Like many Chinese, Lowe’s father dreamt of going back to his little village by the Pearl River in China, but his future turned out to be in the US. Lowe’s mother and family were buried in the US, and Lowe himself was ‘taking on more American ways’[23].

Based on his papers, it appears that Lowe projected his transgenerational identity crisis of being a Chinese and an American simultaneously to the Black community in post-war America. Black people themselves struggled with being in a white majority society. They were also being oppressed for so long and a Black identity was in the making amidst the Civil Rights Movement. The same advocacy was made by Black people too – that they should build their own communities and institutions for developing Black awareness, while the white adoption of Black babies only hindered the formation of Black identities [24]. Social workers also chanted repeatedly that white families who wished to adopt Black children would have to make up their mind and become a part of the Black community, and it was necessary for the family to do so, so that they could teach their Black children to survive in a racist society. One of the criteria for judging if a white family was suitable for adopting a Black child was whether or not they had established relationships and friendships with Black families and communities[25]. Margaret Edgar, a social worker that worked on adoption and herself an adopter of interracial children, raised her opposition further, ‘You have to watch for those Whites who want to raise a little White child in a Brown skin[26]’. Another white adopter of two Black children, Karen Mitchell, also a member of the Council on Adoptable Children, agreed with Edgar. “I agree that it’s important that the white adopting family learn to think Black. How else can they understand what the child is going through[27]?” She further elaborated that the Council recruited Black families to adopt Black children and encouraged white families to consider adopting the white handicapped and older ‘hard-to-place’ children[28]. Yet, the reality was that most ‘hard-to-place’ children were Black or biracial, so interracial adoption was the next best option. In keeping these newspaper clippings, Lowe demonstrated an acute awareness of how difficult it was to create racial harmony in an inherently racist society. 

Child Experiences of Inter-Racial Adoption

A biracial ‘hard-to-place’ child with a slight hearing loss and dark olive complexion described her story of adoption. When she was four, she had already been in several foster home and was on her fifth. ‘Even though I had been relinquished for adoption, there weren’t many takers for me[29].’ The story of how she found her parents was detailed. Her parents, both white, had no chance of having a child of their own so they applied for adoption of a white baby. Yet, the agency informed them the waiting time was a year to two, so they started to look for other options, including interracial adoption after hearing tragic stories of hard-to-place children. A social worker believed that a child with a family was better than one without, so race became less of a concern. Any parent, regardless of race, that was willing to accept and love her as she was, was enough for the criteria for adoption. From the perspective of the biracial child who was so hard to place, she believed that the personalities, intellectual capacities and gifts of parents would be more important than race. The concerns from the Black and social workers were reflected in the same girl: how to preserve her own ‘Black heritage’ by being half African half Italian[30]? The white parents made a change of environment because of her by moving into a racially diverse neighbourhood, and books and art supplies were chosen with racial consciousness[31]. White parents could not live in their fantasy of raising a Black or biracial children without changing their lives, rather they should be prepared their lives would be changed forever by becoming a part of the Black community.

Another case for interracial adoption started with the same reason – white infants were scarce, so some agencies even went to great length to not accept applications asking for a white enfant only, so Black singer-actress Leslie Uggams and her white manager-husband Graham Pratt eventually adopted a biracial child Danielle[32].(Merge into same paragraph)‘Mommy, I’m Black and you’re Black and Daddy is White,’ Danielle raised a question to Uggams and Pratt[33]. She was not sure of her identity even in a biracial family. This justified the concerns raised by critics of transracial adoption – the Black child in a white family loses his or her sense of Black heritage and suffers an identity crisis, even for the ‘biracial’ children, they were Black and ‘[could not] be made into two people’, expressed by Karen Mitchell. The same echoed by Edgar, ‘Blacks have always had dual identities[34].’ Another parent Steve Milano, adaptor of multiracial children also said hopefully of his Black son, “When he grows up, he’ll have two heritages[35].” Like Pardee Lowe, he was raised by his father to be both Chinese and American. The identities of being a Black and American, or Chinese and American were forever in conflict, from children Danielle to adult Pardee Lowe. The dilemma forever exists.

Facilitating Racial Integration

In addition, Lowe’s collections indicate his underlying hope for racial integration. One item was a book by David C. Anderson, “Children of Special Value: Interracial Adoption in America,” which based on his own interracial adoption experience. Anderson believed in the possibilities of interracial adoption – ‘the value of a close human relationship far exceeds any concern over racial difference’. He raised the same solution as chanted above, ‘white parents should create themselves a “racially integrated family’ by moving into a “racially integrated neighbourhood”,’ so that the Black or biracial children were surrounded by non-white friends and persons as he or she grew up.

Schools were also an important environment for children to grow up in a racially diverse environment, so that the children did not have to bear the ‘exposure and vulnerability of being the only non-white child in school’[36]. Lowe’s experience of being educated in schools that comprised of different nationalities protected him from racial discrimination until he faced the real world with job applications to American firms. Education became a focal point for racial integration during the waves of Civil Rights Movement. News about busing was included in Pardee Lowe Papers as well. Lowe’s collections highlight the role of ‘biracial children’ in fostering integration in schools.  For instance, writings by anthropologist Gretchen Schafft emphasized some urban public schools had a significant number of ‘racially ambiguous’ children, i.e. biracial children that came from the product of mixed marriages and interracial adoptions[37]. ‘Their racial identity is so flexible, that they move easily among both Black and white groups,’ Schafft said. Biracial children became ‘valued playmates’ and ‘bridge between races’ at schools for both white and Black children[38].’ Schafft noticed the same ‘bridging’ patterns amongst children in other predominantly Black school in Washington and other major cities. Schafft and her husband, both white, had two children at Toacoma school in San Francisco, with more than 90 per cent Black students. Other parents of different races generally agreed that mixed children had the most friends: white children sought acceptance from the Black majority, and biracial children were a way to gain entry[39]. Yet, the reality remained that biracial children chose to be with whites in school after being influenced by their upbringing since their parents usually had more white friends[40]. This echoed the critics of interracial adoption of how white parents could cause identity crisis for Black or biracial children, and parents invariably shaped child development.

Finally, Lowe’s autobiography used his father as the main character to link his childhood with his life. He ended his book with the sentence, ‘Among our people, children are begotten and nurtured for one purpose – to provide for and glorify their parents.’ It explained why the book was named Father and Glorious Descendant. Lowe was not ‘Lowe’. Rather, he was a ‘glorious descendant’ of his father. His whole life was influenced by his father even when he opposed his father’s wish of taking the family business when he decided to attend Stanford University. His mother said, ‘ Glorious Descendant [Pardee Lowe], is becoming more and more like his father. He’s stubborn as an ox[41].’

Conclusion

Black or biracial children that grew up in white families were a focal point of Pardee Lowe’s inquiry. As a Chinese American himself, he struggled between identities and faced the problems of ‘adoption’ while facing discriminatory immigration laws. His childhood in Chinatown protected him from discrimination, yet the adoptees may still have suffered even in a less racially discriminatory society in the 70s. As a result, adoption was not the sole concern of Lowe, but rather the whole development and education of racial minorities. After all, Lowe had experienced the same. Was the US becoming a better place? After all, Pardee Lowe was an American living in the US, for the book started with Lowe’s father asserting, ‘I am an American![42]’ Studying Pardee Lowe’s autobiography and collections indicates that minorities in mid-twentieth-century America not only sought to overcome discrimination for their own community, but as Americans themselves, had a view to overcome discrimination more broadly in the place they regarded as home. White communities tried to atone for their  racial discrimination by means of reforming discriminatory immigration laws and adoptions. Yet, Black communities were aware of the shortcomings of such ‘civilizing missions’ which led them to reject interracial adoption. It makes me wonder: had an individual like Pardee Lowe been in a position of power, could there have been a different outcome?

[1] Elizabeth Sinn, Pacific Crossing: California Gold, Chinese Migration, and the Making of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: HKU Press, 2012), 4.

[2] Mann, Michael, and Herbert Fischer-Tiné, eds. Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India. Anthem Press, 2004.

[3] Lai, Him Mark, Genny Lim, and Judy Yung. Island: Poetry and History of Chinese Immigrants on Angel Island, 1910–1940.: This book covers how organizations such as Chinese Chamber of Commerce fought for a better condition for Chinese in the US, and how YMCA helped to relieve the difficulties of immigrants.; K. Scott Wong and Sucheng Chan, eds., Claiming America: Constructing Chinese American Identities during the Exclusion Era (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998). ; Chang, Iris. The Chinese in America: A Narrative History. New York: Viking, 2003.

[4] There is research after 1949, to give a few examples: Bill Ong Hing, Making and Remaking Asian America through Immigration Policy, 1850–1990 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993).; Evelyn Hu-DeHart, Across the Pacific: Asian Americans and Globalization, 1st pbk. ed. (New York: Asia Society, 2000).; Victor Nee and Brett de Bary Nee, Longtime Californ’: A Documentary Study of an American Chinatown, 1st ed. (New York: Pantheon Books, a division of Random House, 1973).; S. W. Kung, Chinese in American Life: Some Aspects of Their History, Status, Problems, and Contributions (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1962).; Madeline Y. Hsu, The Good Immigrants: How the Yellow Peril Became the Model Minority (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015).

[5] Madeline Y. Hsu, The Good Immigrants: How the Yellow Peril Became the Model Minority (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015).; Bill Ong Hing, Making and Remaking Asian America through Immigration Policy, 1850–1990 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993).; Rose Hum Lee, “The Stranded Chinese in the United States,” Phylon 19, no. 2 (1958): 180.

[6] Renee C. Romano, Race Mixing: Black-White Marriage in Postwar America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 75.

[7] Pardee Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1943).

[8] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 129-130, 132.

[9] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 143-148.

[10] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 184.

[11] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 185-186.

[12] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 198-202.

[13] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 200.

[14] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 201.

[15] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 203.

[16] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 208.

[17] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 207-208.

[18] C. Gerald Fraser, “Blacks Condemn Mixed Adoptions,” The New York Times, April 10, 1972, in Box12-13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[19] Sandra Pesmen, “The Uggams adoption – a followup,” San Francisco Sunday Examiner & San Francisco Chronicle, November 24, 1974, in Box101-102 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[20] Edmund Fuller, “Adoption Across Racial Lines,” The Wall Street Journal (WSJ), November 16, 1971, in Box 12-13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[21] Angela Terrell, “Interracial Adoption,” The Washington Post, December 10, 1972, in Box13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[22] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 290.

[23] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 290.

[24] C. Gerald Fraser, “Blacks Condemn Mixed Adoptions,” The New York Times, April 10, 1972, in Box12-13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[25] Angela Terrell, “Interracial Adoption,” The Washington Post, December 10, 1972, in Box13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[26] Angela Terrell, “Interracial Adoption,” The Washington Post, December 10, 1972, in Box13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[27] Angela Terrell, “Interracial Adoption,” The Washington Post, December 10, 1972, in Box13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[28] Angela Terrell, “Interracial Adoption,” The Washington Post, December 10, 1972, in Box13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[29] Mary Tobin, “Another case of interracial adoption,” San Francisco Sunday Examiner & San Francisco Chronicle, November 24, 1974, Box101-102 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[30] Mary Tobin, “Another case of interracial adoption,” San Francisco Sunday Examiner & San Francisco Chronicle, November 24, 1974, Box101-102 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[31] Mary Tobin, “Another case of interracial adoption,” San Francisco Sunday Examiner & San Francisco Chronicle, November 24, 1974, Box101-102 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[32] Edmund Fuller, “Adoption Across Racial Lines,” The Wall Street Journal (WSJ), November 16, 1971, in Box 12-13 Pardee Lowe Papers.; Sandra Pesmen, “The Uggams adoption – a followup,” San Francisco Sunday Examiner & San Francisco Chronicle, November 24, 1974, in Box101-102 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[33] Sandra Pesmen, “The Uggams adoption – a followup,” San Francisco Sunday Examiner & San Francisco Chronicle, November 24, 1974, in Box101-102 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[34] Angela Terrell, “Interracial Adoption,” The Washington Post, December 10, 1972, in Box13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[35] Edmund Fuller, “Adoption Across Racial Lines,” The Wall Street Journal (WSJ), November 16, 1971, in Box 12-13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[36] Edmund Fuller, “Adoption Across Racial Lines,” The Wall Street Journal (WSJ), November 16, 1971, in Box 12-13 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[37] Angela Terrell, “Interracial Adoption,” The Washington Post, December 10, 1972, in Box13 Pardee Lowe Papers. ; Box389-390 Jan 5 1977 San Francisco Chronicle ‘Bi-Racial Kids And Integration’

[38] “Bi-Racial Kids And Integration,” San Francisco Chronicle, January 5, 1977, in Box389-390 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[39] “Bi-Racial Kids And Integration,” San Francisco Chronicle, January 5, 1977, in Box389-390 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[40] “Bi-Racial Kids And Integration,” San Francisco Chronicle, January 5, 1977, in Box389-390 Pardee Lowe Papers.

[41] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 185.

[42] Lowe, Father and Glorious Descendant, 4.