Introduction

Strength training is increasingly recognized as an important component of physical health, yet knowing that exercise is beneficial does not necessarily make participation easy. Current UK physical activity guidance recommends that adults engage in muscle-strengthening activities at least twice a week, alongside regular moderate or vigorous physical activity. The guidance also emphasizes that any activity is better than none and that activity should be incorporated into everyday life rather than understood only as formal exercise. (GOV.UK) For women in particular, however, participation in strength training is shaped by social meanings as well as physical capability. The question is not simply whether women have access to a gym, know how to lift weights, or understand the health benefits of strength. It is also whether strength feels compatible with their bodies, identities, relationships, environments, and everyday responsibilities.

This research project began from that premise. The central research question was: How do inactive young women make sense of strength training, femininity, and their bodies, and how do these meanings shape perceived barriers to participation? The project explored women’s experiences and perceptions of strength, fitness, femininity, body image, social judgment, and fitness environments through qualitative interviews. Participants were recruited across different relationships with physical activity, including currently inactive women, recreational strength and fitness participants, and strength-based athletes with my focus being on currently inactive women.

What emerged from the interviews was not a simple story of women either wanting or not wanting to exercise. Instead, participation appeared to be an ongoing negotiation of strength. Women moved between wanting to feel healthier and stronger and wanting to avoid discomfort, judgment, or a perceived failure to conform to feminine expectations. They negotiated between confidence and exposure, health and appearance, knowledge and uncertainty, routine and disruption, and belonging and exclusion. These tensions formed the basis of the conceptual model developed through the project. The resulting “Negotiation Cycle” identifies four interconnected areas: body and self, identity, environment, and everyday life. Feeding into self-consciousness and uncertainty, which can lead to avoidance, guilt, a desire to restart, and fear of restarting.

My central argument is that women’s participation in strength training cannot be adequately explained through individual motivation. Instead, it is shaped by a continuous negotiation between embodied experiences, gendered expectations, social visibility, and the practical demands of everyday life. Strength training becomes more accessible when it is disconnected from narrow performance and appearance standards and reframed around health, function, confidence, enjoyment, and belonging.

Research Process and Collaborative Learning

This research was conducted at the University of Leeds, where I worked under the supervision of Hannah Campbell to support her research inquiry regarding this topic. The project used a qualitative approach because its purpose was not to measure how many women experienced a particular barrier, but to understand how women interpreted and gave meaning to their experiences. Participants completed semi-structured, one-to-one interviews following informed consent. The interview guide deliberately included questions about physical activity, strength, bodily sensations, femininity, body image, social media, fitness spaces, previous physical education experiences, self-presentation, and barriers to participation. Importantly, the guide instructed the interviewer not to assume that strength training was inherently positive or that participants necessarily wanted to become more active.

The interviews were analyzed using Reflexive Thematic Analysis. The process involved repeatedly reading transcripts, generating initial codes, identifying patterns, and developing broader themes across the dataset. This approach was particularly appropriate because the meanings participants attached to strength were not always consistent. A woman could simultaneously describe strength as empowering and intimidating, or recognize that exercise was good for her health while continuing to avoid it. Rather than treating these contradictions as problems in the data, I learned to view them as part of the phenomenon being studied.

The collaborative nature of the work was especially important. Participants did not simply provide answers to predetermined questions; their stories shaped the direction of the analysis. Repeated ideas across interviews eventually became the four major domains represented in the conceptual diagram. The diagram therefore became more than a visual summary of the project. It represented an analytic interpretation of how seemingly separate barriers interact. For example, lack of confidence in one’s body can become more significant in a space where a woman anticipates being watched, particularly when she already identifies as “not a gym person” or has competing responsibilities that make regular attendance difficult.

The research process also changed my understanding of what constitutes a “barrier.” Initially, it would have been easy to conceptualize barriers as discrete obstacles such as cost, time, injury, or lack of knowledge. The interviews demonstrated that these factors rarely operate independently. A lack of knowledge can produce fear of being watched; fear of judgment can reinforce an identity of not belonging; disrupted routines can reduce confidence; and reduced participation can create guilt and make returning feel even more intimidating. The research therefore moved from a list of barriers toward a model of interaction.

The Body: Strength as Capability, Discomfort, and Self-Awareness

The first part of the negotiation concerns the body itself. Participants described physical activity through embodied experiences of weakness, pain, discomfort, injury, progress, and capability. These experiences could either encourage or discourage participation.

For one participant, strength training made her acutely aware of physical limitations. She explained that she “really hate[s] the feeling of not being capable” and that strength training made her more aware of what her body could not do. In contrast, yoga made her feel comfortable, present, and connected to her body. This distinction is important. The problem was not simply that exercise was physically difficult. The meaning of difficulty mattered. Strength training exposed an existing sense of weakness, while yoga provided an experience of capability without the same degree of self-evaluation.

Another participant described an almost opposite relationship with strength. Strength-based activities gave her a sense of competence and independence. After discovering sports in which her physical characteristics became an advantage, she recalled thinking, “Oh, I’m good.” She connected physical strength with feeling independent and self-sufficient. Her experience demonstrates that strength itself is not inherently alienating. Under the right circumstances, it can produce confidence and a positive relationship with the body.

This distinction challenges the assumption that the solution to women’s inactivity is simply to convince them of the health benefits of exercise. One participant already understood those benefits but still struggled to act on them. Another had experienced strength as deeply affirming. The difference lay partly in how strength felt in the body and what that sensation meant about the self.

Existing scholarship helps explain this tension. Dworkin (2001) argues that women in fitness spaces can encounter a “glass ceiling” around muscular strength, in which cultural expectations surrounding emphasized femininity constrain how far women feel able to pursue muscularity. Her research found that women may avoid, limit, or alter weight training rather than simply rejecting exercise altogether. (Sage Journals) The interviews in this project similarly suggest that women do not necessarily reject strength; rather, they negotiate how much strength feels acceptable, comfortable, or compatible with their identities.

Identity and Femininity: Learning What a “Strong Woman” Is Supposed to Look Like

The second domain is identity. Several participants described messages suggesting that physical strength is associated with masculinity while femininity is associated with being smaller, thinner, or more conventionally attractive.

One participant reflected that, traditionally, strength and femininity had not seemed to fit together. Although she intellectually believed that women could be strong, she recognized that she did not always apply those beliefs to herself. She described asking her male partner to perform physically demanding tasks and even recognized a “damsel in distress” role that she sometimes reproduced despite consciously disagreeing with gender stereotypes. This illustrates an important distinction between rejecting a social expectation intellectually and escaping its influence behaviorally.

Another participant was more explicit about the relationship between strength and femininity. She described growing up surrounded by images of women who were thin and small and observed that “nobody looked strong.” The socially acceptable form of fitness was “toned,” but only insofar as the woman remained small. Strength, therefore, was not necessarily rejected outright; it was acceptable only within boundaries.

These findings are consistent with objectification theory. Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) argue that women in objectifying cultures can internalize an observer’s perspective of their bodies, resulting in habitual monitoring and increased opportunities for shame and anxiety. (Sage Journals) The interviews provide concrete examples of this process. One participant described entering a gym and trying to find “the least obvious place possible,” while wondering whether other people were judging the weight she was lifting, her clothing, or whether she looked like someone who belonged there.

Another participant described an even more complex experience: she could simultaneously feel proud of being physically capable and insecure about her appearance. While rowing—an activity in which she knew she was good—she still compared her body with those of other women and felt “bigger” and “lumpy and bumpy.” Strength therefore did not automatically eliminate body dissatisfaction. Instead, the experience of being strong existed alongside the experience of being observed and evaluated.

This is also reflected in recent research on women’s experiences in gyms. Cowley and Schneider’s (2025) mixed-methods study of 279 women identified themes including perceived judgment about appearance and performance, self-criticism, clothing challenges, harassment and safety, and the feeling of being constantly “on display.” At the same time, some women experienced empowerment through supportive environments, skill acquisition, and challenging gender norms. (PLOS) The similarities between this research and the interviews conducted for this project reinforce the idea that confidence is not simply an individual psychological trait. It is influenced by whether a woman feels that a particular environment permits her to participate without constantly evaluating herself.

Environment: The Gym as a Social Space

The third domain is environment. A major finding was that fitness spaces are not experienced as neutral places. The physical design of a gym, the people present, the equipment, mirrors, visibility, and social norms can all influence whether women feel that they belong.

One participant had very little experience with gyms but nevertheless had a strong negative image of them. She described gyms as “sterile,” boring, and intimidating, with large windows that allow people outside to see inside. Even yoga, which she had enjoyed previously, could become intimidating when she compared herself with others. Her response demonstrates that physical environments can produce anticipated judgment even without a specific negative interaction.

Another participant described being uncomfortable stretching in an office when other people were around because she was conscious of distracting them or drawing attention to herself. She also struggled with the physical limitations of a crowded workspace. This expands the meaning of “fitness environment.” The environment does not have to be a gym to influence movement. Spaces associated with work, school, or social life can also communicate which bodies and forms of movement are appropriate.

School physical education appeared particularly significant. One participant recalled PE as “absolutely awful” and “harrowing,” while another described hating PE so intensely that she tried to avoid participation and even selected a classroom-based alternative to escape lessons. Another participant remembered gender-segregated PE in which boys played football and rugby while girls were directed toward activities such as netball and dance. She described strength-based activities as becoming associated with “huge muscly men” rather than ordinary women.

Yet these stories also revealed that environments can be transformed. The same participant who remembered negative PE experiences described a short period when a teacher allowed students to choose activities such as yoga, dance, and Pilates. During that period, she and her classmates enjoyed PE. Her explanation was simple: they were finally being asked what they wanted to do. This suggests that autonomy and variety may matter as much as the specific activity being offered.

Gender also shaped perceptions of safety and belonging. One participant believed that women-only spaces would make her substantially more comfortable because the presence of men could produce a sense of being objectified and compared with other women. She recalled that a women-only gym section became especially enjoyable when she attended with a friend and treated exercise as social rather than competitive. Another participant similarly said she would be more likely to attend a women-only space or go with friends. These findings align with research identifying gender segregation, masculinized gym culture, intimidation, harassment, and the feeling of being “on show” as barriers to women’s participation. (ScienceDirect)

Everyday Life: Time, Cost, Work, and the Myth of Individual Motivation

The fourth domain is everyday life. Even when women understood the importance of strength training and wanted to participate, their routines could make participation difficult.

For one participant, a gym membership was abandoned because she planned to focus on yoga, but yoga was too expensive and the arrival of a dog changed her evening responsibilities. She eventually returned to the gym but deliberately limited herself to twice a week while trying to rebuild confidence. Another participant described working in a sedentary role while completing a master’s degree, making structured exercise difficult to incorporate into her schedule.

Time barriers also appeared at the social level. One participant emphasized that women with full-time jobs, children, and household responsibilities may simply lack discretionary time for formal exercise. She argued that supporting women’s participation would therefore require changes beyond individual motivation.

This challenged one of my own assumptions during the research process. It is easy to interpret reduced participation as a failure to prioritize health, particularly when public health messaging repeatedly tells people that they “should” exercise. Yet the interviews demonstrated how quickly “motivation” becomes an inadequate explanation. Time, cost, caring roles, transportation, clothing, work schedules, and disrupted routines all influence whether exercise is realistic.

One participant’s experience illustrates how seemingly minor practical barriers can matter. A work gym was convenient, but carrying a large gym bag made exercise less appealing. Smaller workout clothes and a supportive sports bra made activity more accessible. These details may appear insignificant compared with larger structural issues, but they demonstrate how participation emerges from a collection of small decisions. Accessibility is not only about whether a gym exists. It is about whether using it fits into a person’s life.

The Negotiation Cycle: From Self-Consciousness to Reduced Participation

When these four domains are considered together, a circular process emerges. The conceptual model developed through the research begins with social and cultural expectations surrounding femininity, appearance, social media, family, and physical education. These expectations interact with body experiences, identity, environment, and everyday life. Together, they can create self-consciousness and uncertainty, followed by avoidance, guilt, a desire to restart, and fear of restarting.

The cycle is important because it explains why simply providing information about strength training may not be sufficient. Consider a participant who knows that strength is important for long-term health but dislikes gyms, fears injury, and expects to feel uncomfortable being observed. She may decide she should exercise, fail to establish a routine, feel guilty, decide to try again, and then experience even greater uncertainty because she has been away from the environment. The result is not a lack of awareness. It is an accumulating cycle of self-consciousness.

Another participant explicitly described this cycle in terms of momentum. When activity, mood, and confidence align, activity becomes easier; when they move downward together, inactivity becomes more difficult. This reinforces the value of understanding participation as dynamic rather than as a stable characteristic of an individual.

The cycle also explains why the most promising interventions identified by participants were relational and environmental rather than purely motivational. Participants suggested women-only spaces, beginner sessions, clearer instruction, social activities, greater choice, more relatable representation, and less appearance-focused messaging. One participant specifically suggested that strength training might be more approachable if it were framed around wellbeing, meeting people, and belonging rather than physical strength alone.

Implications: Reframing Strength

The findings suggest three broad directions for making strength training more accessible.

First, strength needs to be reframed away from appearance. Participants repeatedly described conflicting messages about women’s bodies, from thinness to “slim thick” ideals. One participant explicitly recognized the pressure created by rapidly changing body trends and described trying to move toward more holistic fitness content focused on health, ageing, muscle, and bone strength. Strength training should therefore be presented as a way to develop capability, independence, physical function, and wellbeing rather than as a route toward a particular body shape.

Second, strength training should be made socially safer and more beginner-friendly. Participants emphasized women-only spaces, friends, beginner groups, clear instruction, and environments where not knowing what to do is normalized. These recommendations align with recent research showing that supportive environments and skill development can create empowerment even when gym culture otherwise produces judgment and self-criticism. (PLOS)

Third, interventions should begin before adulthood. Participants repeatedly connected present-day exercise identities to school PE. Negative experiences taught some women that they were not sporty, while positive experiences with choice and variety demonstrated that alternative relationships with movement were possible. One participant argued that strength education should start earlier and should teach the benefits of strength beyond appearance.

These changes represent a shift from asking, “How do we motivate women to exercise?” to asking, “How do we create conditions in which movement and strength feel like they belong in women’s lives?” That distinction is central to the project’s findings.

Limitations and Reflexive Learning

This study has several limitations. First, the sample is small and qualitative, so the findings are not intended to represent all women. The recruitment materials also included women with different activity levels and different relationships to strength training, meaning that the study is better understood as exploring a range of experiences than as describing one homogeneous group.

Second, some interview questions were not asked directly or were blended into broader conversations. The transcript analyses therefore distinguish between participants’ explicit responses and interpretations drawn from surrounding discussions. This limitation reinforces the importance of not treating qualitative interviews as standardized questionnaires.

Finally, the interviews changed my understanding of my own role as a researcher. Several participants expressed contradictions that I recognized in the research process itself: knowing what should be done does not always make doing it easier. One participant reflected that the interview made her realize she sometimes struggles to apply to herself the principles she encourages in others. Even after reflecting on the issues, she believed that entering a gym would still feel intimidating and that she would probably look for a quiet corner. This was an important lesson for me. Researching barriers is not the same as standing outside them. Listening carefully to participants revealed how deeply social expectations can become embodied, even among people who consciously reject those expectations.

Conclusion

This project began by asking how women understand strength training, femininity, and their bodies. The interviews demonstrated that participation is shaped by far more than knowledge or motivation. Women negotiate strength through their physical experiences, identities, environments, and everyday lives. These negotiations are influenced by the messages they receive about femininity, the ways they learned to understand exercise in school, how visible and judgmental fitness spaces feel, how their bodies are represented online and in popular culture, and whether exercise can realistically fit within work, study, caring, and other responsibilities.

The resulting conceptual model, the ongoing negotiation of strength, captures this interaction. Body and self, identity, environment, and everyday life intersect to produce self-consciousness and uncertainty, which can initiate a cycle of avoidance, guilt, restarting, and fear of restarting. At the same time, the interviews demonstrate that this cycle is not inevitable. Strength-based activities can create confidence, independence, belonging, and body acceptance when women experience them in supportive contexts.

The most important lesson from the research is therefore not simply that women need more opportunities to become stronger. They need opportunities to define what strength means for themselves. A successful approach would make strength training less about proving that one belongs, looking a certain way, or performing competence in front of others, and more about developing a sense of capability, health, function, confidence, and connection. As the participants’ experiences demonstrate, strength becomes possible not when women simply overcome their barriers individually, but when the environments surrounding them change enough that strength no longer feels like a contradiction to who they are.

References

Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2021). One size fits all? What counts as quality practice in (reflexive) thematic analysis? Qualitative Research in Psychology, 18(3), 328–352. (DOI)

Cowley, E. S., & Schneider, J. (2025). “I sometimes feel like I can’t win!”: An exploratory mixed-methods study of women’s body image and experiences of exercising in gym settings. PLOS ONE, 20(1), e0316756. (PLOS)

Dworkin, S. L. (2001). “Holding back”: Negotiating a glass ceiling on women’s muscular strength. Sociological Perspectives, 44(3), 333–350. (Sage Journals)

Fredrickson, B. L., & Roberts, T.-A. (1997). Objectification theory: Toward understanding women’s lived experiences and mental health risks. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21(2), 173–206. (Sage Journals)

UK Chief Medical Officers. (2019, updated 2026). UK Chief Medical Officers’ physical activity guidelines. Department of Health and Social Care. (GOV.UK)