https://docs.google.com/document/d/1FnXGQvUy6F8LSOPYVbCNHEAzBYB9nhyAoLw_ty45P2A/edit?usp=sharing
Bugs, Bias, and Colonialism: Decolonizing Entomophagy in Mexico
By: Vanessa Sandoval
Research Advisor: Professor Carolyn Fornoff
Cornell University, 2024
Figure 1. Illustration of a chapulin (grasshopper) from the Florentine Codex.
Abstract
Entomophagy, the consumption of insects by humans, has roots going back thousands of years in numerous cultures worldwide. Today, about 2 billion people globally participate in the consumption of insects, with Africa, Asia, and Latin America being home to the majority. Mexico, in particular, has documented one-fifth of the world’s edible insect species (Ronquillo-de Jesús et.al, 2024). Despite how common eating insects is, Western societies exhibit a notable aversion to consuming insects. This study examines the roots of this avoidance, exploring the connections between entomophagy, disgust, and colonialism, while highlighting the importance of Indigenous knowledge in Mexico. Methods include a comprehensive analysis of literature on entomophagy, pre-Hispanic food systems, and food colonialism, followed by an examination of a particular state in Mexico, Chiapas. The findings indicate that Western resistance to insect consumption is deeply tied to colonial-era attitudes, which continue to shape current perceptions. European colonizers associated the practice of eating insects by Indigenous and African communities with terms like “primitive,” “savage,” and “beastly,” reinforcing a derogatory view. This research underscores the significance of Indigenous Mexican practices of entomophagy, emphasizing the need to recognize these traditions for their cultural value. It is crucial to appreciate these practices within their cultural context, rather than framing them through the lens of colonial narratives that devalue and marginalize them. Additionally, the research highlights how these traditions are often commodified and only seen as valuable when they align with Western interests, such as sustainability initiatives, rather than being appreciated for their inherent cultural importance.
Introduction
Entomophagy, while not a new concept, has gained increasing popularity in Western countries such as the United Kingdom and the United States for its potential as a sustainable alternative to cattle meat and as a solution to mitigate world hunger. From a solely statistical and data perspective, insects indeed have a variety of advantages to that of traditional agricultural systems. Insects, such as mealworms, are relatively high in protein, containing between 47% and 60%, and are rich in essential nutrients like zinc and iron (Springer, 2019). Insect farming also requires significantly less water and land compared to conventional livestock farming, and their biomass conversion rate is more efficient than most animals used in agriculture, making them a viable option in addressing food security amid growing populations and climate challenges.
However, while Western countries are now acknowledging the benefits of insect consumption, it is essential to recognize that entomophagy has long been practiced by Indigenous cultures. In particular, Mexico has documented 545 species of insects that are consumed (cite). Despite this, this practice has often been dismissed and labeled as “primitive,” denoting colonial attitudes. This study seeks to explore these cultural dimensions of entomophagy, focusing on Mexico and emphasizing the need for a decolonial understanding that respects Indigenous knowledge and traditions.
The rise in entomophagy in Western countries is primarily driven by economic and environmental considerations. However, focusing exclusively on sustainability without recognizing the cultural and historical significance of entomophagy within Indigenous communities risks reinforcing colonial frameworks. This paper contends that the promotion of entomophagy must include an emphasis on its cultural importance, particularly within the context of Mexico, where insect consumption has deep historical roots. Additionally, this paper examines the origins of “disgust” and bias toward insects, analyzing how these perceptions were perpetuated by colonial powers.
Methodology
This research employs a mixed-methods approach, combining historical analysis with cultural studies. An extensive literature review examined over hundred sources in both spanish and english ranging from topics on the origin of “disgust,” factors in food/insect avoidance, and colonial attitudes toward Indigenous food practices, particularly entomophagy that documented how early European settlers and explorers dismissed Indigenous diets as “barbaric” or “primitive.” Literature was selected through the usage of keywords such as “entomophagy,” “entomofagia,” “disgust and colonialism,” “mexican entomophagy,”"food bias,” and other similar terms. This review established a framework for understanding how these biases continue to shape Western perceptions of entomophagy.
The study also analyzed the cultural significance of entomophagy among Indigenous groups in Mexico, focusing on Chiapas, where 178 edible insect species are documented. Ethnographic research explored the role of insects like chicatanas (leaf-cutter ants) in Indigenous traditions, highlighting the culinary and symbolic importance of insects for groups such as the Tzotzil and Tzeltal.
On “Decolonial” Perspectives
Per the abstract, this study places emphasis on a decolonial perspective with regard to the practice of entomophagy. This entails the criticism of the historical roots of colonialism and the ongoing influence it holds in regards to political, economic, racial, and cultural systems. Liberation from colonialism is not a process that occurs overnight, but one that requires addressing the legacy of colonialism, accessing the issues it perpetuates, and highlighting the voices and knowledge of the colonized, all in order to truly digress from its oppressive systems. In other words, we must address, access, and highlight in order to digress. To this I invite readers to consider insight from Gabriel R. Valle:
“Decolonization is an intimate journey that is highly personalized and requires the ability to heal the historical trauma caused by colonization, so that a decolonial approach to the study of food sovereignty is guided by much more than a critical perspective. It is also inspired by the desire and willingness to liberate the production of knowledge, while generating knowledge that is useful to the people it seeks to liberate.” (G. R. Valle, pg 44).
The Florentine Codex
In 1519, the Spanish conquistadors landed on the Atlantic coast of Mexico, and by 1521, they had taken control of the Aztec Empire, renaming it "New Spain" (Smith, 1996). This conquest brought significant changes to the Aztec food system, as the Spaniards introduced crops from other territories and animals such as cows and pigs, which they considered essential for their diet (Gibson, 1964). During this time, the Spaniards were also made aware of insect consumption by local communities. While the friar Bernardino de Sahagún documented the good taste of these insects (Sahagún, 1577/1975), most Spaniards rejected the idea, viewing it with disdain. This aversion was not just an individual preference but a reflection of broader colonial attitudes that deemed Indigenous practices inferior. To this day, a prejudice persists against the consumption of insects, often associated with the notion of being “uncivilized” (Douglas, 1966).
Despite these negative associations, Mexico boasts a rich and well-documented tradition of entomophagy that has endured for centuries. The Florentine Codex, an invaluable ethnographic record compiled by Sahagún and his Indigenous collaborators, lists 96 species of edible insects consumed by the local populations (Sahagún, 1577/1975). These included a wide variety of ants, crickets, and worms, which were integral not only to the diet but also to cultural and religious practices. The consumption of insects provided essential nutrients and was often linked to seasonal rituals and communal gatherings, reinforcing the role of entomophagy as a cornerstone of Indigenous foodways (Erosa, 1995; INEGI, 1993).
In addition to the Florentine Codex, other historical texts and oral traditions reveal the importance of insects in the diet of various Mesoamerican societies, such as the Nahua, Maya, and Mixtec (Coe & Coe, 2013). Medina (2003), in Mesoamerican Food Practices: History and Cultural Context, details how maguey worms and ants were tied to specific festivals and ceremonies, showcasing their deep cultural and symbolic value. These sources document how these societies did not view insects merely as food but as sacred elements embedded within their spiritual and communal practices. Such consumption practices highlighted the interconnectedness of diet, spirituality, and community identity.
The work of Toledo and Barrera-Bassols (2008), in Ethnoecology: A Worldview from Latin America, underscores the sustainable harvesting methods employed by these communities, illustrating an advanced understanding of ecological balance. These practices ensured the availability of insects as a food source while preserving the surrounding environment, reflecting a sophisticated ethnoecological knowledge system that modern environmentalists can learn from. This perspective challenges the notion that sustainable food systems are a modern development, instead positioning Indigenous practices as early models of ecological mindfulness.
Moreover, oral traditions passed down through generations continue to enrich our understanding of how entomophagy was woven into the fabric of Mesoamerican society. Sánchez and Pérez (2020), in Entomophagy and Cultural Heritage in Mexico, emphasize how the preparation methods—such as roasting and grinding insects into pastes or incorporating them into sauces—highlight the ingenuity and resourcefulness of Indigenous communities. These preparation methods not only preserved the nutritional benefits of insects but also signified a deep cultural respect for the natural resources that sustained them, reinforcing their role as custodians of traditional knowledge.
Literature Review
Our concept of what is 'disgusting' is profoundly shaped by cultural and behavioral conditioning. When individuals are socialized to perceive certain foods, such as insects, as repulsive, they are likely to avoid them. This aversion often stems from an essentialist belief that consuming something deemed objectionable can impact one’s own identity—encapsulated in the notion that 'you are what you eat' (Macbeth, 1997). Disgust serves as a powerful social mechanism that defines cultural boundaries and reinforces social norms (Haidt et al., 1993). The stigmatization of certain foods can have deep roots in historical and colonial contexts, where food practices were often used to assert dominance and establish hierarchies (Lesnik, 2019).
Insects have long been regarded as distasteful, a perception deeply rooted in colonial history. European colonizers, such as Hernán Cortés and Christopher Columbus, viewed the entomophagy (insect consumption) practiced by traditional communities, such as the Nahua, Maya, and Mixtec in Mesoamerica, as primitive (Earle, 2010). These communities were often labeled as 'barbarians' or 'less civilized,' and the insects they consumed were derogatorily referred to as 'Indian food' (Olson and Edward, 1906). Such terms reinforced racial hierarchies and contributed to the dehumanization of local populations, using racialized language to justify colonial violence, including enslavement, cultural erasure, and even genocide (Césaire, 2000).
The historical pattern of adopting and reframing traditional practices for Western consumption has significant implications. For instance, the introduction of tea to the English by the Chinese led to the exploitation of resources in Hawaii, where the British demand for sandalwood to trade for tea caused environmental degradation (Dietler, 2007). Similarly, the European craving for sugar fueled the transatlantic slave trade, resulting in severe exploitation of African laborers on sugar plantations (Weiler et al., 2015). These examples illustrate how the commodification of indigenous practices can lead to economic and cultural exploitation.
Today, Western societies increasingly embrace and profit from foods that were once stigmatized as 'primitive,' including insects. This commodification often overlooks the cultural significance and historical roots of these practices, perpetuating a pattern of colonial appropriation (Macbeth, 1997). The demand for 'exotic' or 'foreign' foods fuels exploitative practices that may involve environmental destruction and the marginalization of previously colonized communities (Lesnik, 2019). This broader pattern reflects how Western acceptance and commodification can come at a high cost, including cultural erasure and economic exploitation in the regions from which these practices originated (Weiler et al., 2015).
Recognizing entomophagy's cultural roots is essential to avoid perpetuating these colonial narratives. Mexico, with the highest number of documented insect species consumed, serves as a crucial example. In the state of Chiapas alone, 178 edible insect species have been recorded, including bees, grasshoppers, and ants, all with historical ties to civilizations like the Aztec and Nahua, where insects were valued for their nutritional and symbolic roles (Erosa, 1995; INEGI, 1993, 1995). Grasshoppers (chapulines) were a dietary staple among the Nahua, serving as a protein source, while stingless bees produced honey, an essential trade good and sacred food in Mesoamerican culture (Messer, 2002).
Food Colonialism
Food colonialism, as defined by Lisa Heldke, involves the appropriation of foods as new to Westerners, often decontextualizing and commodifying them (Heldke, 2001). This process entails taking foods that are deeply rooted in the traditions and cultures of Indigenous peoples and rebranding them for Western consumption, often stripping away their cultural significance and reinterpreting them in ways that fit Western tastes and sensibilities. This not only erases the historical and cultural contexts in which these foods were originally consumed but also reinforces power dynamics where Western perspectives dominate and validate what is considered acceptable or desirable.
Vincent M. Holt’s book "Why Not Eat Insects?" is a prime example of food colonialism. Written in the 19th century, Holt's work promotes the consumption of insects but does so through a lens of Western approval and modification (Holt, 1885). Holt describes various insect-based dishes from different cultures but consistently frames them in a way that seeks validation from European observers. For instance, when discussing a Chinese silkworm dish, he highlights the approval of European writers rather than acknowledging the expertise and traditions of the Chinese people who have been consuming such dishes for centuries (Duché, 2024).
Moreover, Holt suggests renaming insect dishes in French and incorporating colonial products to make them more palatable to Western tastes. Holt recommended that a Moroccan grasshopper dish could be “transformed” into "Grasshoppers au gratin" or "Acrididae sautés à la Maître d’Hôtel" by anyone with culinary knowledge (Duché, 2024). This act of renaming and modifying traditional dishes exemplifies how colonial attitudes persist in food practices, transforming Indigenous foods into something that must be "improved" or made more sophisticated through a Western lens. By doing so, Holt and others like him effectively appropriated these foods, detaching them from their cultural origins and repackaging them as novel or exotic for a Western audience.
Holt's approach demonstrates a broader trend in colonial attitudes toward food, where the culinary practices of non-Western cultures are often dismissed or stigmatized until they are "discovered" and validated by Westerners. This not only marginalizes the contributions of Indigenous peoples but also perpetuates a cycle of cultural erasure and exploitation. The validation of insect consumption by European observers, as seen in Holt's work, underscores the power dynamics at play, where Western approval is necessary for legitimizing practices that have been long established and respected within Indigenous communities.
The relationship between food, culture, and colonialism is deeply intertwined, reflecting broader power dynamics and social structures. As Helen M. Macbeth states in Food Preferences and Taste: Continuity and Change, culture is not a fixed system of shared rules but rather an array of perceptions and values that guide behaviors and interactions (224). This dynamic nature of culture allows food practices to be both appropriated and indigenized, often serving as tools for control during colonial encounters. Macbeth emphasizes how food has historically been manipulated to create novel desires and reinforce power structures (228). This process aligns with what Comaroff and Comaroff (1997) describe as “making subjects by means of objects,” where imported goods are imposed on colonized populations to instill specific behaviors and values.
Dietler’s (2007) exploration of culinary encounters further elucidates this theme by highlighting how colonial settlers struggled when deprived of their familiar diets. Settlers believed that only their usual foods could sustain their health and identity, reinforcing a distinction between European and Indigenous bodies and foodways. Rebecca Earle’s essay, “‘If You Eat Their Food…’: Diets and Bodies in Early Colonial Spanish America,” supports this by illustrating how food was tied to concepts of identity and purity. Insect-based diets were particularly stigmatized by colonial settlers, who associated them with “subhuman” practices (Earle, 2010). Diego Álvarez Chanca’s account from Columbus’s second voyage reflects this bias, as he described Indigenous insect consumption as evidence of “greater bestiality than any beast upon the face of the earth” (Olson and Edward, 1906).
Julie J. Lesnik’s research, “The Colonial/Imperial History of Insect Food Avoidance in the United States,” notes that disgust has served as a powerful social mechanism to delineate food boundaries and maintain cultural hierarchies (Lesnik, 2019). Disgust not only motivates the rejection of foods but also carries a form of contamination that reinforces biases and power structures (Haidt et al., 1993). This aligns with Césaire’s argument that colonial dehumanization ultimately transforms both the colonizer and the colonized, stripping away humanity in the pursuit of domination (Césaire, 2000).
The analysis of food colonialism reveals that foods were appropriated and recontextualized to fit Western norms, often at the expense of erasing Indigenous practices. This process also involved creating a stigma around local foods, such as insects, deemed “primitive” or “uncivilized” (Weiler et al., 2015). Such perceptions are not limited to historical narratives; they persist in modern attitudes toward entomophagy, reflecting the lasting impact of colonial frameworks.
Food Avoidance and Its Origins
Food avoidance, or the decision to avoid certain foods, the largest factor is disgust. Disgust can stem from three different factors, sensory issues (taste, smell, appearance, etc), cultural background, and associations with the origin of the food.
Food Neophobia
Food neophobia, defined as an individual's tendency to reject new and unfamiliar foods, is a significant barrier to the acceptance of entomophagy in Western societies (La Barbera et al., 2017).
Food neophobia is characterized by a reluctance to try new foods and a preference for familiar and safe dietary choices. It is closely related to the concept of disgust, which is often rooted in cultural and social environments. The aversion to eating insects in Western cultures can be attributed to deeply ingrained perceptions of insects as dirty, dangerous, and associated with contamination and poor hygiene.
Studies have shown that food disgust sensitivity and food neophobia together explain a substantial portion of the variance in the willingness to eat insect products (Sogari et al., 2019). Disgust towards insects as food is a major factor in their rejection by Western consumers. This disgust is part of the behavioral immune system and can be triggered by visual cues, cultural conditioning, and again, associations with contamination and poor hygiene (La Barbera et al., 2017).
The psychological basis of food neophobia can be traced back to evolutionary mechanisms designed to protect humans from potential toxins and pathogens. However, in the context of modern Western societies, these mechanisms often manifest as an irrational aversion to foods that are unfamiliar or culturally stigmatized. This is particularly relevant to entomophagy, where the visual appearance of insects and their association with filth can provoke strong negative reactions.
Disgust and Contamination
The disgust towards insects and the accompanying neophobia in Western societies can be traced back to colonial attitudes and practices. Colonialism played a crucial role in shaping Western perceptions of entomophagy by devaluing non-Western food practices and reinforcing racial and cultural hierarchies. During the colonial period, European settlers often dismissed indigenous food practices, including insect consumption, as primitive and unsophisticated (Lesnik, 2019).
Disgust towards insects as food is a major factor in their rejection by Western consumers. This disgust is part of the behavioral immune system and can be triggered by visual cues, cultural conditioning, and associations with contamination and poor hygiene (La Barbera et al., 2017). In Western cultures, insects are often associated with disease and decay, leading to a pervasive sense of disgust when considering them as a food source.
This association is reinforced by cultural narratives and media representations that depict insects as pests and vectors of illness (cite acridofagia). Consequently, the idea of consuming insects can evoke strong negative emotions, including fear and revulsion. These emotional responses are deeply embedded in the cultural fabric of Western societies and present significant challenges to the acceptance of entomophagy.
In terms of how this disgust connects back to colonization,this brings the saying “you are what you eat.” If one is what they eat, and what they perceive to be disgusting, then they too are deemed this. I note that disgust and preference are two largely different concepts. For example, I don’t consume mustard because I dislike the taste, not because I view mustard as disgusting or offensive. In contrast, insects hold that perception by most of Western society as disgusting, even though some have not had the chance to know how it tastes. In regards to the sense of appearance, another study found that even when crickets were coated in chocolate and other popularly consumed food, individuals' knowledge that the item did have insects, prevented them from trying them.
Given this, when European colonizers discovered that the Indigenous communities they encountered, as well as African societies, consumed insects, because they regarded insects as vile creatures, they too viewed these individuals as such. Here we see the usage of racial vocabulary to dehumanize, and therefore jsutofy, the colonization, genocide, and enslavement of these people who were no longer viewed as beings but rather “beasts.” Food preference has roots in emphasizing one culture’s food being better or acceptable, and regarding anything outside as “other” and not acceptable.
If it is not clear, the United States (as well as other countries subject to European colonization and dominance), is home to a multitude of ethnic and cultural backgrounds, especially those who commonly consume insects, yet entomophagy is the “other.” It is associated with “disgust,” and therefore those that consume them, are again the “other,” in the same way European Colonizers regarded anything other than their idea of acceptable food towards Indigenous, African, and Asian communities with disgust. My goal is to not force individuals to consume insects, but rather to encourage readers to view entomophagy, and even other cultural foods and practices, with an understanding that there is cultural significance that shapes the identities of communities first, and not associated with disgust. While this may not be the “norm” for Americans in the U.S, respect should be attributed even if we ourselves prefer to not try these foods.
Chiapas, Mexico
As briefly mentioned, in the goal of decolonizing entomophagy, beyond addressing the historical ties and criticizing the influence of colonial powers, it is crucial to highlight the communities who have been colonized. Therefore my focus on Chiapas is based on this being the state in Mexico with the most ethnically and linguistically diverse of the states, as it is home to more than 12 Indigenous groups (Aguacateco, Cakchiquel, Chatino, Chichimeca, Chinanteco, Chinanteco of Ojitlán, Chinanteco of the National Valley, Chol, Chontal, Chontal of Oaxaca, Chontal of Tabasco, Chuj, Huasteco, Huave, Huichol, Ixil, Jacalteco, Jonaz, Kanjobal, Kekchi, Lacandon, Mame, Maya, Mayo, Mazahua, Ocuilteco, Otomi, Popoloca, Purepecha, Tojolabal, Tzetzal, Tzotzil, Yaqui, Zapoteco, Zapoteco of the Isthmus, and Zoque). Chiapas also holds the third highest populations of Indigenous communities in Mexico. However, the most driving factor in my selection of Chiapas came from a study by Julieta Ramos-Elorduy on edible insects in Chiapas (2010). In her work, she compared the number of documented edible insects in different states; Oaxaca, Guerrero, Mexico, Hidalgo, and Chiapas. While Chiapas had the second lowest number of localities investigated (59), it had the highest number of species of edible insects (178), as seen in Figure 2. This is no surprise given the number of Indigenous groups located in the state.
Figure 2. Illustrates the documented number of edible insect species across various states in Mexico.
The documented number of orders of insects in Chiapas are Hymenoptera (37.9%), Coleoptera (23.2%), Lepidoptera (15.3%), Orthoptera (13.6%), Hemiptera (6.2%), and Homoptera (2.8%). Hymenoptera included wasps, stingless bees, and ants. Coleoptera encompassed a range of beetles. Lepidoptera entailed butterflies and moths. Orthoptera included katydids, grasshoppers, and crickets. Hemiptera included insects such as cicadas and stink bugs. Homoptera also included certain cicadas but also other insects such as stink bugs and mealybugs (Ramos-Elorduy, 2010). Of all these insects, stingless bees, wasps, and beetles were most consumed by the communities in Chiapas.
The nucú (also referred to as zompopo, nacasmá, tzim tzim and cocosh depending which community in Chiapas), are flying ants that emerge during the start of the rainy season. These ants are considered a delicacy and sell up to $75 U.S. dollars for a kilogram (Lydia Carey, 2022). Though these ants are commonly known as chicatanas by other states in Mexico.
The nucú, as well as grasshoppers, are preserved through a method of drying them in the sun (Ramos-Elorduy, 2010). The most common method of preparation though, for these multitude of insects is roasting them. Often they are incorporated into other dishes such as tamales.
Methods of Insect Preparation by Zoque Community in Chiapas and Their Cultural Significance
The preparation methods for insects in Chiapas are deeply rooted in Indigenous traditions such as those by the Zoque community, reflecting cultural significance, community values, and culinary ingenuity. Insects such as nocú (chicatana ants), zats (nocturnal butterfly caterpillars), and chapulines (grasshoppers) are prepared using methods that emphasize sustainability, enhance flavor, and preserve the nutritional value of these traditional foods.
Nocú (Chicatana Ants)
The nocú, or chicatana ant, holds a special place in the culinary traditions of the Zoque. These ants are collected during the first rains of the year, often at night, when light traps make it easier to gather them from the wet ground. Entire families participate in this seasonal activity, fostering a sense of community while securing an important food source. In addition to their cultural importance, nocú ants are highly valued economically, with a single bucket fetching as much as $208 USD in local markets (Gallardo, 2024, p. 23).
The preparation of nocú typically involves roasting, which not only enhances their nutty flavor but also extends their shelf life. Once roasted, the ants are ground into pastes, incorporated into tamales, or mixed with salt and chili to create a savory condiment. As one local described, “The first rains bring us these ants, and we treat them with care, knowing they are a gift from the land. Cooking them is a way to honor that gift” (Gallardo, 2024, p. 26). This reverence for the ants reflects a deep connection to the land and its cycles, emphasizing the role of food as a medium for respecting and preserving natural resources. The preparation process not only sustains the body but also reinforces cultural ties, as the act of cooking becomes an expression of gratitude and tradition.
Zats (Nocturnal Butterfly Caterpillars)
The zats, caterpillars found on rubber trees, are another vital food source in Chiapas, collected primarily during the hot months of July and August. Their preparation begins with the removal of their entrails to ensure cleanliness, followed by boiling them with salt for at least an hour. This method softens their texture and enhances their taste, making them a versatile ingredient in dishes such as tacos or side accompaniments (Gallardo, 2024, p. 24).
“For us, zats are more than just food,” one resident explained. “They are a reminder of how we work with nature to sustain ourselves. Preparing them is a communal effort, and eating them brings people together” (Gallardo, 2024, p. 24). This observation highlights the interplay between sustenance and social cohesion, illustrating how the act of gathering and preparing zats fosters a shared sense of purpose and reinforces community bonds. The reliance on zats during their brief seasonal availability underscores the importance of working in harmony with natural cycles, a principle central to Indigenous food systems in Chiapas.
Chapulines (Grasshoppers)
Grasshoppers, or chapulines, are a widely recognized and celebrated edible insect in Mexico. In Chiapas, they are often fried or roasted to create a crunchy texture, then seasoned with salt, lime, and chili powder. These simple yet effective methods transform chapulines into a flavorful snack commonly enjoyed during festivals and community gatherings. A vendor remarked, “Chapulines are a treat that remind us of celebration. They are delicious, but more importantly, they bring people together” (Gallardo, 2024, p. 25). This sentiment underscores the role of chapulines as both a cultural delicacy and a symbol of joy and unity. Their preparation and consumption embody the connection between food and collective identity, where culinary traditions are as much about social rituals as they are about sustenance.
Techniques for Preservation and Storage
Preservation methods are integral to insect consumption in Chiapas, enabling communities to store seasonal harvests for extended use. Sun-drying, particularly for nocú and chapulines, prevents spoilage and enhances the flavor of the insects by concentrating their natural umami notes. Roasting is another widely used technique, serving the dual purpose of preservation and preparation. These methods reflect a deep understanding of sustainable practices, ensuring that insects remain a reliable food source while protecting the environment from overharvesting (Gallardo, 2024, p. 25).
As one resident explained, “We dry and roast the insects not just to preserve them but to make them even better. Every step in the process has a purpose, and we’ve learned this from our ancestors” (Gallardo, 2024, p. 25). This statement highlights the intentionality and wisdom embedded in these practices. Each technique, passed down through generations, represents a balance between practicality and culinary excellence, demonstrating the sophistication of Indigenous knowledge systems.
Nutritional and Economic Significance
Insects like nocú and zats are not only culturally significant but also nutritionally dense, offering high levels of protein, essential fatty acids, and micronutrients such as calcium, magnesium, and iron. Studies indicate that some edible insects can contain up to 50% protein by dry weight, making them a valuable dietary option in regions with limited access to conventional livestock (Gallardo, 2024, p. 23). This nutritional richness positions insects as a sustainable alternative to more resource-intensive protein sources, aligning with global efforts to promote eco-friendly food systems.
The economic impact of insect consumption in Chiapas is equally significant. Local markets become vibrant hubs during harvesting seasons, where vendors sell fresh and prepared insects to locals and tourists. “Selling these insects is more than just business; it’s sharing a part of who we are” (Gallardo, 2024, p. 26). This reflection captures how the economic benefits of insect trade are intertwined with cultural preservation. By selling these foods, vendors contribute to the local economy while also sharing a culinary tradition that reflects the unique identity of their communities.
Bridging Tradition and Innovation
Efforts to modernize traditional insect recipes without losing their cultural essence have gained traction in recent years. Dishes such as roasted chicatana salsa, which combines ants with tomatoes, garlic, and chilies, illustrate how Indigenous culinary practices can adapt to contemporary tastes while maintaining their authenticity. “When we share these recipes, we’re not just feeding people—we’re teaching them to appreciate a way of life that has sustained us for generations” (Gallardo, 2024, p. 28). This perspective highlights how food serves as a bridge between past and present, offering an opportunity to celebrate Indigenous heritage while addressing global challenges like food security and sustainability.
Cultural Preservation Through Food
The preparation of insects in Chiapas represents more than just a means of sustenance; it is a profound expression of cultural identity and ecological stewardship. As one resident observed, “When we prepare these dishes, we are continuing a story that has been told for generations. It’s a way to respect the land and honor our ancestors” (Gallardo, 2024, p. 27). This deep connection to history and environment reinforces the idea that food is not merely a resource but a medium through which communities maintain their cultural heritage and affirm their relationship with nature.
Cuicatec Chicatana Recipe
While the Cuicatec community are not located in Chiapas but rather in Oaxaca, the Chicatana has a strong connection to this practice, with studies showing that 83% of Cuicatecs consume them regularly. These ants are more than just seasonal delicacies; they are part of the community's heritage, prepared using methods passed down through generations, showcasing the resilience of cultural traditions (Erosa, 1995).
A traditional recipe from the Cuicatec community is the Cuicateco San’go (Chicatana) Sauce, which combines roasted ants with locally sourced ingredients to create a rich, smoky flavor (Figure 3). The recipe is as follows:
Figure 3. Picture of prepared San’go (Chicatana Sauce)
Cuicateco San’go (Chicatana) Sauce
1 cup of chicatanas (leaf-cutter ants)
1 tomato
1 chili pepper
1 garlic clove
Salt to taste
The ingredients are roasted together, then ground into a paste to create a savory sauce that is often served with tortillas or other local dishes.
Conclusion
Entomophagy in Mexico, particularly within the traditions of Indigenous communities in Chiapas, is far more than a subsistence practice—it is a profound expression of cultural identity, ecological knowledge, and intergenerational heritage. The preparation and consumption of insects such as nocú, zats, and chapulines are deeply embedded in cultural narratives that celebrate resourcefulness and sustainability, challenging the reductionist frameworks imposed by colonial perspectives. These traditions illustrate how food is intricately tied to cultural values, historical memory, and environmental stewardship.
However, as this study has demonstrated, Western perceptions of insect consumption remain influenced by colonial-era biases that equated Indigenous practices with primitiveness and savagery. These prejudices, perpetuated through both historical and contemporary narratives, have shaped global food hierarchies, where certain practices are valorized while others are dismissed or appropriated. By examining entomophagy through the lens of cultural significance, we uncover the deeply ingrained connections between food bias and colonial influence, encouraging us to question the foundations of our own dietary norms.
The stigmatization of entomophagy is not simply a matter of individual preference but a reflection of broader systems of power that have historically marginalized and devalued non-Western foodways. The discomfort and disgust often associated with insect consumption in Western societies can be traced back to colonial frameworks that sought to justify the subjugation of Indigenous peoples by dehumanizing their practices. These narratives continue to shape global attitudes toward food, reinforcing cultural hierarchies that prioritize Western standards of acceptability while disregarding the richness and complexity of Indigenous culinary traditions.
Decolonizing our understanding of food requires a critical examination of these biases and a willingness to interrogate how colonial ideologies have shaped our perceptions. It necessitates shifting the focus from viewing entomophagy solely through the lens of environmental sustainability to recognizing its intrinsic cultural and historical significance. Without this cultural lens, efforts to promote insect consumption risk perpetuating the very colonial dynamics they aim to challenge, reducing centuries-old traditions to mere tools for modern agendas.
By centering the cultural significance of entomophagy, we honor the resilience and ingenuity of the communities that have preserved these practices despite colonial erasure. Moreover, we confront the uncomfortable truth that our own food preferences are not neutral but are deeply influenced by historical power structures. This recognition invites us to question the roots of our food biases and consider how they may perpetuate exclusion and inequality.
Entomophagy, as practiced in Mexico, serves as a powerful reminder that food is not merely sustenance—it is a repository of identity, history, and ecological knowledge. As global discussions about sustainable food systems evolve, it is imperative to prioritize the voices and traditions of those who have long embodied sustainability in practice. Through this approach, we not only dismantle colonial narratives but also embrace a more inclusive understanding of food that respects its cultural origins and challenges entrenched hierarchies.
Ultimately, the study of entomophagy is a call to critically reflect on how we define what is edible, desirable, or civilized. It pushes us to acknowledge the colonial legacies embedded in our food systems and to strive for a future where all culinary traditions are valued not just for their utility but for their cultural and historical significance. By doing so, we take a step toward fostering a food system that is as equitable and diverse as the communities it sustains.
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